TWN
Info Service on WTO and Trade Issues (Dec15/06)
15 December 2015
Third World Network
CSOs stress on development, food security, LDC issues at MC10
Published in SUNS #8154 dated 11 December 2015
Geneva, 10 Dec (Kanaga Raja) -- More than 450 civil society organisations
(CSOs) have demanded that for the WTO's tenth Ministerial Conference
(MC10) to be a success, it must fulfil the development mandate by
strengthening Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) for all developing
countries, remove obstacles to food security and operationalise benefits
for the Least Developed Countries (LDCs).
In an urgent letter addressed to WTO Members on the eve of MC10, which
takes place in Nairobi, Kenya from 15-18 December, the CSOs including
trade unions, environmentalists, farmers, development advocates and
public interest groups said that for the Ministerial to "work"
for food, jobs, and sustainable development, the necessary outcome
is clear.
The transformation of the gross inequities in the global agricultural
system must begin, including: removing WTO obstacles to public stockholding
for food security; a concrete and workable Special Safeguard Mechanism
(SSM); and disciplining domestic supports and export competition.
"Across the WTO, development demands must be met, including the
full scope of the G90 proposals for all developing countries, and
the operationalizing of the LDC package."
The CSOs underlined that the corporate and rich country government
agenda of permanently abandoning the development mandate must be forestalled,
along with the imposition of a set of already rejected or ill-defined
non-trade "new issues."
Among the nearly 50 international networks and organisations that
signed onto the letter are the ACP Civil Society Forum; Arab NGO Network
for Development (ANND); Asian Farmers' Association for Sustainable
Rural Development (AFA); Caribbean Policy Development Centre (CPDC);
Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN); Enda Tiers
Monde; European Federation of Public Service Unions (EPSU); Friends
of the Earth International (FoEI); International Baby Food Action
Network (IBFAN); LDC Watch; Pacific Network on Globalisation (PANG);
Public Services International (PSI); Society for International Development
(SID); South Asia Peasants Coalition; Third World Network (TWN); and
Women In Development Europe (WIDE+).
The letter was also signed by over 400 national organisations and
networks.
In their letter to the WTO Members, the CSOs expressed "extreme
alarm" about the current situation of the negotiations in the
WTO.
They urged the Members to take seriously the need for the upcoming
Nairobi Ministerial to change existing WTO rules to make the global
trading system more compatible with people-centered development, and
to forestall efforts by some developed countries to abandon the development
agenda and replace it with a set of so-called "new issues"
that actually are non-trade issues that would impact deeply on domestic
economies and constrain national policy space required for development
and the public interest.
The CSO letter noted that governments from around the world recently
endorsed the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) negotiated through
the United Nations. These include key goals such as reducing poverty
and inequality; eradicating hunger; and ensuring universal access
to essential services such as health care, education, water, and energy.
In order to achieve these goals, countries must have the policy space
to invest in domestic agricultural production to achieve food security
and food sovereignty; to regulate the financial sector to ensure financial
stability; to scale up public provision of essential services to guarantee
education, health, water, and energy access; to harness the power
of government procurement to promote small and medium enterprises
(SMEs); to utilize tax revenues, including tariffs, strategically
to foment sustainable development and the creation of jobs with decent
work; and to ensure that foreign investment serves the interests of
the national development plan.
"However, this policy space is currently constrained by existing
WTO rules which the vast majority of WTO members, which are developing
countries, have been demanding must be changed, and are further threatened
by an effort by a tiny number of developed countries to replace the
development mandates with ‘new issues' designed to further increase
transnational corporate profit margins," said the CSOs.
As civil society organizations, "we have witnessed firsthand
in our communities the negative impacts of 20 years of some existing
WTO policies which have largely favoured the interests of the developed
world over the development interests of the developing world."
This has particularly led to rising inequalities both within and among
countries, the contributions of increased trade to climate change,
the financial deregulation that led to the 2008 global economic crisis
and the ongoing crises of food insecurity and joblessness, to name
a few.
"Many of our organizations have called repeatedly for the WTO
to be replaced with an institution that regulates corporate trade
for the benefit of workers, farmers, communities, and the environment,
rather than disciplining states for the narrow goal of increasing
trade. At the same time, we must ensure that the WTO's model of restricting
national policy space in favour of corporate trading rights must not
be expanded, but rather pruned back."
According to the letter, that is why it is so urgent at this time
to ensure that the Nairobi Ministerial deliver on removing WTO obstacles
to development by fulfilling the development mandate in terms of strengthening
and making effective SDT for all developing countries, and affirming
developing countries' rights to food security, while forestalling
the corporate agenda of abandoning development in favour of a corporate
wish list of "new issues."
The CSOs noted that a group of 90 (G90) developing countries have
this year made concrete proposals for changes to existing WTO rules
that would remove some WTO constraints on national pro-development
policies.
Reports from Geneva indicate that a tiny number of high-income WTO
members are attempting to decide for themselves which developing countries
should be able to utilize these flexibilities, dividing developing
countries according to non-existent, subjective criteria and attempting
to treat so-called "emerging markets" as if they were already
developed.
"This approach has no basis in WTO law, in development policy,
nor in economic reality," the CSOs said.
In fact, 70 percent of the world's poor live in so-called "middle
income" countries; narrowing the scope of the G90's special and
differential treatment proposals would condemn a billion people to
living under WTO rules inappropriate for their level of development,
without the flexibilities and policy space requisite for their countries
to achieve the multilateral SDGs.
For those reasons, the CSOs stressed that SDT should be strengthened
and made operational for all developing countries, while providing
additional flexibilities to LDCs that attend to their specific development,
financial and economic needs.
"The WTO Ministerial will be a failure for development if the
full package of G90 proposals for all developing countries is not
agreed to in Nairobi."
Even worse, the CSOs charged, just one WTO member - the United States
- appears to be not only refusing to agree to the full G90 package,
but also working to ensure that the development mandate in the WTO
is permanently abandoned.
According to the CSOs, "While a lack of agreement on the G90
package of proposals by Nairobi would indicate a failure of the Ministerial
from a development perspective, the abandonment of the entire development
mandate would lock out the potential to fulfill this mandate in the
future, thus locking the world into the existing inequalities and
imbalances forever - at the behest of one member of the WTO, an institution
that claims to operate by consensus."
Likewise, many of those same impoverished people in developing countries
and LDCs alike continue to suffer from food insecurity.
Since the Bali Ministerial in December 2013, developing countries
and anti-hunger advocates and farmers around the world (including
in the United States) have worked to ensure that developing countries
would be unshackled from WTO rules which severely constrain their
ability to invest in public stockholding programs, even though such
investments are explicitly called for in the SDGs in order to reduce
rural and urban hunger.
WTO members agreed to find a permanent solution to the issue of public
stockholding for food security by 31 December 2015. The G33 group
of 45 developing countries has made a workable proposal to remove
limits on developing countries' investing in their own food security
by categorizing public stockholding for food security in the so-called
"Green Box."
The CSOs said that this must be adopted by the Nairobi Ministerial.
"The WTO Ministerial will be a failure from a development perspective
if this simple step towards food sovereignty is not agreed to in Nairobi."
According to the CSO letter, in one of the most hypocritical positions
in the history of global trade negotiations, some developed countries
are not only opposing the right of poor countries to feed themselves,
but also refusing to reduce their own domestic supports on exported
agricultural production that damages other countries' domestic markets.
In fact, the promise to reform global agricultural trade was the primary
reason that developing countries even agreed to launch the Doha Round.
Fourteen years later, some developed countries continue to subsidize
agricultural exporting corporations in ways that damage farmers in
developing countries, whose governments are not allowed (or cannot
afford) such subsidies.
"We support the concept of food sovereignty, in which countries
should be allowed to undertake domestic supports of agricultural production,
but no country should be allowed to export subsidized food in a way
that damages other countries' markets. The WTO Ministerial will be
a failure from a development perspective if the disciplining of domestic
supports that damage other countries' markets is not agreed to in
Nairobi."
At the same time, said the CSOs, the havoc wreaked on developing country
agricultural markets due to dumping of subsidized products calls out
for an immediate solution.
The G33's proposal to create a Special Safeguard Mechanism (SSM) that
would allow developing countries to protect their food security, farmers'
livelihoods, and rural development, would be another important step
towards restoring countries' food sovereignty that has been so eroded
by the current imbalances in the WTO rules.
"The WTO Ministerial will be a failure from a development perspective
if a workable, practical SSM along the lines of the G33 proposal is
not agreed to in Nairobi," the CSOs warned.
The CSOs highlighted that even in the area that all WTO members should
be able to agree on - ensuring benefits for the LDCs - consensus has
not yet been reached.
Although it was a priority mandate for the post-Bali period, the small
LDC package agreed in Bali has yet to be operationalized, including
ensuring 100% Duty Free, Quota Free (DFQF) market access for LDCs'
exports, providing actual binding commitments for the LDC services
waiver, and full simplification of the Rules of Origin (RoO).
In addition, cotton farmers in Africa have been damaged for years
due to the subsidies that rich countries have agreed to discipline
in an "expedited" manner.
"The WTO Ministerial will be a failure from a development perspective
if the disciplining of subsidies in cotton is not agreed to in Nairobi,
along with the operationalizing of all aspects of the full LDC package."
On the so-called "new issues", the CSOs said, "We can
all agree that global trade has evolved significantly since the Doha
Round was launched in 2001. Unfortunately, many workers and farmers
are still labouring under the rules negotiated in the mid-1990s -
to which many developing countries and civil society around the world
objected at the founding of the WTO."
It is vastly inappropriate to mandate negotiations on new issues to
the benefit of the financial, technology, and logistics corporations
of a few WTO members without first addressing the inequities and imbalances
in the current WTO rules, they underlined.
The CSOs noted that many of these issues have been explicitly rejected
by the WTO membership in the recent past, particularly the so-called
"Singapore issues," including investment, competition policy,
and transparency in government procurement.
Civil society has long opposed the international investment agreements
(IIAs) which privilege foreign investors over citizens, communities,
the environment, and the public interest generally, whether they appear
in bilateral, plurilateral, or multilateral forums.
Multiple governments have taken heed of the explosion of cases brought
by investors against sovereign governments, and are re-shaping national
investment rules to ensure that they benefit the national interest.
During this time of shifting public debate on the negative impacts
of such agreements, it is outrageous to think of allowing this ejected
topic back into the WTO.
Similarly, with the topics of competition policy and opening up government
procurement to foreign corporations, which are advantageous predominantly
to corporate interests.
Government procurement is an important engine for local development
and for addressing inequities within countries, and these goals should
take precedence over opening markets for transnational bidders.
"These are not primarily trade issues and they must not be allowed
on the agenda - and there is not even any legal basis in the WTO to
bring them in until after the development demands of developing countries
have been comprehensively addressed," said the CSO letter.
Likewise, there appears to be an effort by some developed countries
to bring issues that many developing countries, and civil society
around the world, have rejected in bilateral or plurilateral so-called
free trade agreements (FTAs) into the WTO.
The CSOs said that this appears to include the idea of giving new
"rights" to advanced technology corporations to unlimited
cross-border data transfers through e-commerce talks.
A few members also appear interested in imposing on the WTO membership
disciplines (constraints) on state- owned enterprises (which can be
a key engine of domestic economic growth in many countries), and other
so-called "new issues" which have yet to be defined by members
seeking the mandate nonetheless to discuss them.
"The WTO Ministerial will be a failure from a development perspective
if ‘new issues' - including under the sneaky rubric of ‘discussions
on global value chains (GVCs) or the digital economy' - are agreed
to in Nairobi as part of the post-Ministerial agenda."
Civil society has long witnessed and condemned the unfair negotiations
process in the WTO, in which the positions of powerful members are
given predominance over the positions and needs of the vast majority
of members who are developing countries, while the interests of workers,
farmers, and the environment are shunted to the background in favour
of corporate profit objectives.
"It is most unfortunate that under the current leadership, this
phenomenon appears to have become even worse, even though the Director-General
hails from a developing nation," said the CSOs.
Nairobi will be a crucial arbiter of the future of the global trade
system.
"Will the WTO continue business as usual, in which the corporate
interests of the powerful countries dominate, and the development
mandate is abandoned in favour of talks on liberalization of new issues?
Or will the WTO members heed the needs of the LDCs; of the poor in
all our countries; of farmers struggling to make a living; of workers
seeking decent work; and of the environment for our common stewardship?"
the CSOs asked. +