Dear
Friends and Colleagues,
Indonesia
and the Treaty on Trans-Pacific Partnership
Please
find below an article on Indonesia and the Trans-Pacific Partnership
Agreement. The article was first published in Kompas
in Bahasa Indonesia and the translation below is by Indonesia
for Global Justice (IGJ).
With
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Third World Network
Email: twn@twnetwork.org
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https://kadirjailani.wordpress.com/2015/10/15/xxxx/
Indonesia
and the Treaty on Trans-Pacific Partnership
Published in Kompas, 15 October 2015
By Abdulkadir Jailani
The twelve States in the Pacific Rim have just concluded the negotiations
of the Treaty on Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). The Treaty itself
will serve as a legal framework for free trade cooperation and liberalization
in a number of economic sectors. It also constitutes as a mega
trade bloc which represents 40% of the world’s economic power
(28.1 billion GDP in total) consisting of 792 million population which
spreads between the United States, Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Chile,
Japan, Malaysia, Peru, Singapore, Viet Nam, Mexico, Canada and New
Zealand.
Although the Treaty has not been signed yet, the discourse on the
possibility of Indonesia joining the TPP has caught both media and
public attention. This is indeed a discourse that needs to be addressed
thoughtfully. Indonesian accession to the TPP may potentially hamper
the vision of the Jokowi administration to realize national economic
independence.
Bearing that in mind, the decision to join the TPP should be built
upon a very deep consideration, with particular scrutiny on the political,
economic and legal aspects. These three aspects are critical to the
decision to accede to the Treaty.
Political Aspect
The scope and implication of the TPP is very extensive and goes beyond
a mere expansion of market access. Apart from having a close linkage
to trade and investment, the TPP also provides rules on environmental
issues, labour and other issues that are traditionally under national
sovereignty.
Moreover, the TPP negotiation process was also driven by American
interests. The entire negotiation process stood on its own and therefore
was not part of the joint efforts to promote the ASEAN Economic
Community, which is one of the priorities in Indonesia’s economic
diplomacy.
Unlike the negotiation process in the Regional Comprehensive Economic
Partnership (RCEP) negotiation process, which involves all of
ASEAN member states and all of ASEAN external partners, the TPP deliberately
did not involve China as the largest market in Asia Pacific. Within
this context, President Obama categorically emphasized that the United
States would not let China “write the rules” for global economy. Through
the TPP, the US hopes to be the one formulating those rules.
This political aspect needs to be carefully examined in the view of
Jokowi’s economic diplomacy strategic plan. Domestic political ramifications
and its effect on the effort to materialize an independent ASEAN Economic
Community also needs to be given particular attention.
Economic Aspect
The realization of the TPP does not necessarily create a freer trade
in the Asia-Pacific region. On the contrary, the TPP has fleshed out
more complex and difficult market access rules and requirements for
goods and services originating from Indonesia. Consequently, based
on Indonesia’s experience on the implementation of free trade agreements,
many are concerned with the apprehension of Indonesia being just a
“market” for imported goods and services, should Indonesia join the
TPP.
Furthermore, the majority of the TPP commitments are far more excessive
compared to WTO commitments as well as other FTAs. The right of States
to adopt policies in order to protect their respective strategic national
interests as guaranteed by the WTO or other FTAs (for example, policy
on taxes and special provisions on sensitive goods) has been taken
out of the TPP.
TPP also imposes obligations on liberalization of the government procurement
sector. For developing countries, this is an extremely sensitive issue.
Such undertaking will be obviously inconsistent with Indonesia’s position
to protect its domestic enterprises through the limitation of foreign
company’s participation in government procurement tenders.
Provisions on State-owned enterprises are also not in line with Indonesia’s
interest. The TPP prohibits States to provide privileges or incentives
to their enterprises. This will surely create detrimental effects
to Indonesian State-owned enterprises.
On investment, miles apart from the current Indonesian new policy
in reviewing its investment treaties, the TPP instead provides investors
with more rights and privileges at the expense of national policy
space.
Indonesia should also carefully address intellectual property provisions
which could harm the interests of developing countries. The TPP is
more in favour of the interest of multinational companies in intellectual
property. There have been concerns that this will diminish the Government’s
ability to adopt policies to protect their national interests, such
as provisions on inexpensive drugs for the public and also facilitating
technology transfer process.
Legal Aspect
The TPP imposes a significantly high standard of legal obligations.
One of the consequences would be for Indonesia to rewrite its national
laws in a number of sectors in accordance with TPP standards (for
instance, laws related to finance, environment, labour, intellectual
property, freedom of internet and some others). The obligation to
realign national laws may adversely affect national legal development
objectives.
The other legal issue is the Investor-State Dispute Settlement
(ISDS). Indonesia has an issue with the ISDS provision under the TPP
which gives the right for foreign investors to directly submit a claim
against Indonesia in an international arbitration without a separate
consent from the Government. Such provision is clearly not in line
with Law No. 25/2007 on Investment.
Conclusion
Taking all of the above into account, joining the TPP is not something
that has to be pursued in the near future. The TPP does not necessarily
provide Indonesian goods and services a simpler access to penetrate
TPP parties’ markets. Indonesian exports would instead face rules
on market access that are more complex and harder to comply with.
Furthermore, apart from the TPP focusing more on the interests of
the multinational companies, it also imposes intrusive liberalization
commitments and legal obligations which may harm national economic
sovereignty.