|
TWN Info Service on Free
Trade Agreements
24 May 2006
IMPACT OF US-MALAYSIA FTA ON TOBACCO CONTROL MEASURES
The proposed US-Malaysia FTA may have negative impact on tobacco control
measures. Essential Action, a US public interest group with a focus
on corporate accountability and global public health issues, recently
submitted comments to the USTR on this issue. A focus of the comment
is how tobacco multinational corporations have used IP protections,
particularly trademark and trade secret protections, to challenge sound
tobacco control measures.
The Malaysian citizens strongly call on the Malaysian government to
exclude tobacco products from the proposed FTA and urge concerned Malaysians
to join this call.
With best wishes,
Esther Ong
Third World Network
2-1, Jalan 31/70A
Desa Sri Hartamas
50480 Kuala Lumpur
Tel: +603-2300 2585
Fax: +603-2300 2595
email: twnkl@po.jaring.my
website: www.twnside.org.sg and www.ftamalaysia.org
-----------------------------------------------------------
Essential Action recently submitted comments to USTR on the proposed
US-Malaysia FTA and how it might impact tobacco control measures. A
focus of the comments is how Big Tobacco has used IP protections, particularly
trademark and trade secret protections, to challenge sound tobacco control
measures.
The comments are pasted below. A pdf formatted version is available
at:
http://www.essentialaction.org/tobacco/trade/MalaysianFTAcomments.pdf
Essential Action has a web page on trade and tobacco issues at:
http://www.essentialaction.org/tobacco/trade
Robert Weissman
rob@essential.org
******************************************
Essential Action
PO Box 19405
Washington, DC 20036
May 12, 2006
Gloria Blue
Executive Secretary
Trade Policy Staff Committee
Office of the U.S. Trade Representative
600 17th Street, N.W.
Washington, DC 20508
Re: Comments on Proposed U.S.-Malaysia Free Trade Agreement
Dear Gloria Blue:
Essential Action is a public interest group with a focus on corporate
accountability and global public health issues.
We are writing to urge that the U.S. exclude tobacco products from a
U.S.-Malaysia Free Trade Agreement.
Our basic position is that there is no legitimate purpose for inclusion
of tobacco products in trade agreements, which are designed to facilitate
trade and remove tariff and non-tariff barriers to commercial transactions
-- an inappropriate goal for tobacco products, consumption of which
is harmful. This is a consensus view among the leading tobacco control
groups in the United States.(1)
In these comments, we first very briefly review tobacco control efforts
in Malaysia, and then explain why inclusion of tobacco products in the
FTA would threaten such efforts.
Malaysia's Tobacco Control Efforts
As in the United States, smoking is a major public health issue in Malaysia.
More than one in four Malaysia adults smoke -- nearly half of Malaysian
adult, but under 5 percent of women.(2) The Malaysian government says
that nearly half of the health ministry's budget is spent on treating
tobacco-related disease. It estimates 10,000 Malaysians die a year from
smoking-related disease.
To address these major public health and fiscal problems, Malaysia has
signed and ratified the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, and
is undertaking serious measures to reduce the toll of smoking on the
health of its people.
It has instituted a prominent government-run counter-smoking campaign,
raised tobacco taxes, and adopted appropriate regulatory policies, such
as a planned move to larger and more graphic warning labels.(3)
The Malaysian public health efforts are unfortunately being undermined
by the efforts of the leading multinational tobacco companies, Philip
Morris and BAT. These companies have long skirted advertising restrictions
by undertaking a panoply of brand-stretching and indirect advertising
practices,(4) a problem the country has sought to address with a comprehensive
ad ban adopted in 2003. Now the companies are working to undermine tobacco
tax increases by offering discounts and adding cigarettes to the pack.(5)
As we discuss below, a U.S.-Malaysian Free Trade Agreement that includes
the features commonly found in U.S. trade agreements and that applies
to tobacco products will assist the tobacco multinationals in their
efforts to undermine public health efforts to reduce smoking rates and
diminish the toll of smoking-related death and disease.
FTA Rules and Tobacco Control
The standard model U.S. free trade agreement includes a rollback and
elimination of tariffs on goods, and establishment of a range of rules
covering non-tariff issues, including trade in services and intellectual
property. Both tariff and non-tariff provisions in FTAs threaten important
tobacco control objectives.(6) We focus here on the non-tariff issues.
Over the last two decades, the tobacco companies have invoked a range
of trade rules in an attempt to defeat sound tobacco control rules.
Inclusion of tobacco products in a U.S.-Malaysian FTA would give them
enhanced ability to do so in Malaysia.
Challenges Based on Intellectual Property Rules
The tobacco multinationals have relied especially on intellectual property
rules to challenge sound tobacco control policy.
They have argued in Canada, Brazil, Thailand and elsewhere that plain
packaging requirements for cigarette packaging or even large health
warnings encumber their trademarks, and undermine the very purpose of
trademarks, to provide easily determinable distinguishing marks for
one company’s product over another.(7)
A Canadian plain packaging proposal, argued former USTR Carla Hills
in a memo written for the major tobacco companies, "would seriously
diminish the integrity of the trademark and substantially degrade the
value of the distinctive packaging, or trade dress, in which the companies
have invested heavily over the years. Therefore the proposal would deny
adequate and effective protection to basic trademark intellectual property
rights in violation of NAFTA Article 1701."(8)
BAT, Imperial Tobacco and Japan Tobacco have similarly argued that European
warning label requirements violate the companies' trademark rights,
by encumbering their use of cigarette packaging to display trademarks
and distinguish their products. The European Court of Justice rejected
the companies' intellectual property claims,(9) but specified that it
was not governed by TRIPS in its determination.(10)
The companies have also claimed that efforts to ban the use of the terms
"light" "mild" and "low" may infringe
trademark rights, because those terms are incorporated into cigarette
names. In late 2001, Canada proposed health regulations to prohibit
the use of the terms "light" and "mild" on tobacco
packaging. Canada proposed the regulation in response to a consensus
among public health experts that the “mild” and “light” descriptors
are fundamentally misleading. “Mild” and “light” cigarettes are not
less hazardous to smokers’ health, in part because it has been determined
that smokers compensate for reduced tar and nicotine by inhaling more
deeply, covering the “vents” on filters and by other means.(11) In announcing
the regulatory proposal, Canada’s health department cited survey data
suggesting that more than a third of smokers of “light” or “mild” cigarettes
choose these products for health reasons.(12) In comments produced in
response to a U.S. announcement of the regul! ation -- after the Canadian
notice and comment period had concluded -- Philip Morris disclaimed
any health benefits for “light” or “ultralight” cigarettes, and agreed
that “consumers should not be given the message that descriptors means
that any brand of cigarettes has been shown to be less harmful than
other brands.” But the company insisted it should still be able to use
the terms, which it alleged communicate differences of taste to consumers.
Barring use of the terms, Philip Morris argued, would violate Canada’s
obligations under the WTO and NAFTA. "The proposed ban unquestionably
would constitute a 'special requirement' that would encumber the use
and function of valuable, well known tobacco trademarks. A ban would
substantially impede the ability of manufacturers to distinguish regular,
full flavor brands from their low yield counterparts."(13) The
company claimed that the “descriptive terms such as ‘lights’ are an
integral part of [its] registered trademarks” for pr! oducts such as
Benson & Hedges Lights and Rothmans Extra Light.(14)
The companies have also challenged efforts to mandate disclosure of
cigarette ingredients as a violation of their trade agreement-protected
trade secret rights, notably in Thailand.(15)
Other Areas of Concern
* Technical Barriers to Trade:
Philip Morris has argued that the Canadian ban on the use of the terms
"mild" and "light" violates technical barriers to
trade rules under NAFTA, on the grounds that they are not the least
trade restrictive means to pursue the objective of ensuring consumers
are not misled into believing there is a health benefit to products
labeled "mild" or
"light."(16)
The same arguments could be made about plain paper packaging or labeling
requirements.
The least trade restrictive obligation might also prove a significant
obstacle to efforts to regulate cigarette product content or other product
regulations.
The Technical Barriers to Trade agreements' requirements to rely on
international standards might also conflict with rules on measuring
components of tobacco smoke and smokefree rules, both areas where standard-setting
organizations(17) have been criticized by public health organizations,
including in some cases for being too influenced by the tobacco industry.
* Services
Provisions in services agreements might be used to challenge national
advertising bans or restrictions, particularly restrictions that apply
to certain forms of advertising but not others.
They might also be used to challenge rules restricting distribution
outlets for tobacco products, a not unlikely move as tobacco control
measures are tightened worldwide. So too might restrictions on Internet
sales of cigarettes be subjected to a services agreement challenge.(18)
* Investments
Applied in the context of the tobacco industry, investment protections
are particularly worrisome. They give Philip Morris and other multinationals
direct standing to invoke trade/investment agreements to challenge national
law, overcoming the political reluctance of most governments to advocate
aggressively on behalf of cigarette companies.
The substantive provisions of the agreements provide considerable fodder
for the industry.
Each of the potential intellectual property claims of the industry --
on warning labels, bans on "light," "mild" and "low,"
and ingredient disclosure -- can be recast as an expropriation. Carla
Hills made such an argument concerning plain paper packaging in the
RJR/Philip Morris
memorandum.(19)
In its comments on Canada's proposal to ban the use of the terms "light"
and "mild," Philip Morris alleged a two-fold infringement
of Chapter 11 rules. First, it claimed that "banning these terms
would destroy these valuable trademarks and the specific brands and
goodwill they represent.
Following a ban, the affected trademarks would simply disappear from
the Canadian market."(20) This purported expropriation would be
especially costly to the tobacco companies, Philip Morris contended,
because they have "invested substantial sums to develop brand identity
and consumer loyalty for these low yield products. Moreover, descriptors
denote clear taste differences within brand families and have, over
the decades, become markers for those taste differences."
Philip Morris also claimed that the Canadian ban on "light"
and "mild" would violate Canada's obligation under Chapter
11 to provide "fair and equitable treatment" to foreign investors.
"Government officials from Canada and the United States (as well
as other members of the public health community) actively encouraged
tobacco companies to develop and market low yield cigarettes. The Canadian
government registered trademarks containing descriptive terms used to
identify these products for consumers." Noting that regulations
short of a ban were available to the Canadian government, Philip Morris
argued that, "under these circumstances, banning the use of descriptive
terms would be unfair and
inequitable."(21) That Philip Morris might have influenced governments
in these matters, or that the tobacco companies suppressed information
known to them about the ineffectuality of low-tar and low-nicotine cigarettes,
did not enter into Philip Morris's presentation.(22)
Conclusion: Public Health "Exceptions" Are Not An Answer
Given the overwhelming public policy interest in reducing smoking rates,
there is no legitimate basis for including tobacco products in the U.S.-Malaysian
FTA, or any other U.S. trade agreement. The risk of conflict with tobacco
control measures is too high.
It is true that many U.S. trade agreements contain public health exceptions
of various permutations. These exceptions, however, are no substitute
for simple exclusion of tobacco products from FTAs.
The public health exceptions have traditionally been interpreted narrowly.
The public health exception in the GATT Agreement, Article XX(b) remains
the prototype for such exception clauses. As explicated by Carla Hills
in her memo for the tobacco industry, "GATT Article XX(b) is intended
to allow Contracting Parties to impose trade-restrictive measures inconsistent
with the General Agreement to pursue overriding public policy goals
only to the extent that such inconsistencies are unavoidable. As Canada
pointed out in recent GATT dispute settlement proceedings, the proponent
of the public health exception has the burden of providing the imposed
measure is "necessary" (emphasis in
original)."(23) Subsequent decisions at the WTO have perhaps clarified
that the necessity test can in some real-world cases be satisfied --
but it remains a high hurdle nonetheless.(24)
Moreover, certain chapters -- notably intellectual property and investment
chapters -- in FTAs typically do not contain a public health exception
(or contain only meaningless exceptions authorizing public health measures
only so long gas they comply with the terms of the chapters). In response
to criticism, USTR has negotiated side letters and annexes covering
public health for these chapters. But these are inadequate.
In the case of intellectual property, the side letters suffer from not
being part of the agreement -- and thus serve only as interpretive guides,
subordinate to contrary specific provisions in the agreements -- and
import the "necessary" standard with its difficult burden.
Most importantly, the side letters focus exclusively on the issue of
access to medicines, and do not address tobacco or other health-related
concerns.
In the case of investment protections, the annex and other provisions
are similarly inadequate to address public health, and tobacco-specific
concerns. First, the general and vague nature of these provisions is
unlikely to provide much protection in the face of investment claims
that cite more specific and direct provisions in the agreement. Second,
in the case of expropriation, the language in, for example, the CAFTA
annex continues to define expropriation in terms broader than U.S. jurisprudence.(25)
Third, there is no reason to export even U.S. jurisprudence in this
area, at least as regards tobacco products. That jurisprudence has invalidated,
for example, a Massachusetts effort to require disclosure of cigarette
ingredients.(26) Whatever the U.S.
Constitution requires in the United States, there is no good reason
for the United States to impose such standards on other countries in
the case of tobacco products. Finally, the purported environment and
public health improvements to CAFTA's investment chapter kept in place
"the fair and equitable treatment" language that Philip Morris
has invoked to challenge sound tobacco control policy.
Especially in the case of the investment chapters -- where there is
a prospect of direct suit of governments by the tobacco companies, and
risk of substantial governmental liability -- but generally in the area
of FTAs, even the possibility of a trade challenge may chill health
regulators considering tobacco control rules. Thus, even tobacco control
rules that may be able to withstand formal challenge -- but against
which a plausible case may be made -- may never be enacted.
This is unnecessary and given the public health stakes in curbing the
tobacco epidemic in Malaysia and globally unacceptable.
The prospect of challenges to tobacco control rules can be eliminated
by an explicit exclusion of tobacco products from the Malaysian and
other FTAs. We urge USTR to work for such an exclusion.
Sincerely,
Robert Weissman,
Director
FOOTNOTES
1. See, for example, American Cancer Society, American Heart Association,
American Lung Association, Action on Smoking and Health – Thailand,
Action on Smoking and Health – USA, Campaign for Tobacco Free Kids,
Essential Action, Thailand Health Promotion Institute, Letter to U.S.
Trade Representative Robert Zoellick, December 9, 2003, available at
2. Dr. Judith Mackay and Dr. Michael Eriksen, The Tobacco Atlas,
Geneva: The World Health Organization, 2002, p. 98.
3. "Soon, graphic warning labels for cigarette packets." The
Star, April 16, 2006, available at
4. Mary Assunta and Simon Chapman, "The Tobacco Industry’s Accounts
of Refining Indirect Tobacco Advertising in Malaysia," Tobacco
Control 2004;13:ii63-ii70.
5. M. Krishnamoorthy, "Tak Nak effort being negated," The
Star, November 8, 2005, Available at .
6. It is unclear in the Malaysian context, however, whether tariff reduction
in a U.S.-Malaysian FTA would have significant impact, because the multinationals
-- including Philip Morris, now the only significant U.S. exporter --
already elude tariffs via production in the Southeast Asian region.
In general, however, opening domestic markets to tobacco product imports
increases smoking rates and consumption. The market opening leads to
enhanced price and product competition and intensified marketing efforts.
"Reductions in the barriers to tobacco-related trade will likely
lead to greater competition in the markets for tobacco and tobacco products
[and] reductions in the prices for tobacco products," according
to a World Bank report. "As a result, the death and disease from
tobacco use will also increase." (Allyn Taylor, Frank J. Chaloupka,
Emmanuel Guindon and Michaelyn Corbett, "The Impact of Trade Liberalization
on Tobacco Consumption," in Prabhat Jha and Frank Chaloupka, e!
ds., Tobacco Control in Developing Countries, Washington, D.C.: World
Bank, 2000., pp. 345-346.) The World Bank has concluded that removing
tobacco tariffs raises smoking rates 10 percent. (World Bank, Curbing
the Epidemic: Governments and the Economics of Tobacco Control, Washington,
D.C.: World Bank: 1999, Chapter 1.) 7. See Carla Hills, Legal Opinion
With Regard to Plain Packaging of Tobacco Products Requirement Under
International Agreements," Mudge, Guthrie, Alexander and Ferdon
Attorneys. Memo to RJ Reynolds and Philip Morris, May 3, 1994, pp. 1-2.
("It is important to note that in terms of providing for general
exceptions from NAFTA obligations for reasons such as health and safety,
as set out in NAFTA Article 101(1), Chapter 17 (Intellectual Property)
was specifically excluded.")
8. See Hills memo, p. 13.
9. The Queen v. Secretary of State for Health (ex parte: British American
Tobacco (Investments) Ltd and Imperial Tobacco Ltd; supported
by: Japan Tobacco Inc. and JT International SA), 2002, Case C-491/01,
Paragraph 150.
10. The Queen v. Secretary of State for Health, Paragraphs 154 and 257.
11. See Donald Shopland, editor, " Risks Associated with Smoking
Cigarettes with Low Tar Machine-Measured Yields of Tar and Nicotine,"
Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National
Institutes of Health, National Cancer Institute, 2001, ;
"Findings of the International Expert Panel on Cigarette Descriptors,"
p. 8.
.
12. "Findings of the International Expert Panel on Cigarette Descriptors,"
.
13. Submission by Philip Morris International Inc. in Response to the
National Center for Standards and Certification Information Foreign
Trade Notification No. G/TBT/N/CAN/22, (hereinafter "Philip Morris
International submission") (undated), p. 9.
14. Philip Morris International submission, p. 4.
15. R MacKenzie, J Collin, K Sriwongcharoen and M E Muggli, "'If
we can just ‘"stall" new unfriendly legislations, the scoreboard
is already in our favour:' transnational tobacco companies and ingredients
disclosure in Thailand," Tobacco Control 2004;13:ii79-ii87.
16. Philip Morris International submission, p. 10.
17. The International Standards Organization sets standards for measuring
tobacco smoke components. The American Society of Heating, Refrigerating
and Air Conditioning Engineers (ASHRAE) is a professional organization
that sets voluntary standards for ventilation. These are typically adopted
by the American National Standards Institute (ANSI), a voluntary standard-setting
organization that might arguably be considered an international standard-setting
organization.
18. See especially World Trade Organization, "United States --
Measures Affecting the Cross-Border Supply of Gambling and Betting Services
-- Report of the Appellate Body," WT/D285/AB/R April 7, 2005.
19. Hills memo, pp. 20-21.
20. Philip Morris International submission, p. 7.
21. Philip Morris International submission, p. 8.
22. See Martin Jarvis and Clive Bates, "Why Low-Tar Cigarettes
Don't Work and How the Tobacco Industry Has Fooled the Smoking Public,"
London: Action on Smoking and Health UK, 1999, (citing
a 1975 Philip Morris study that found: "The smoker profile data
reported earlier indicated that Marlboro Lights cigarettes were not
smoked like regular Marlboros. There were differences in the size and
frequency of the puffs, with larger volumes taken on Marlboro Lights
by both regular Marlboro smokers and Marlboro Lights smokers. In effect,
the Marlboro 85 smokers in this study did not achieve any reduction
in the smoke intake by smoking a cigarette (Marlboro Lights) normally
considered lower in
delivery.")
23. Hills memo, p. 17 (footnotes in original omitted).
24. See World Trade Organization, "European Communities -- Measures
Affecting Asbestos and Asbestos-Containing Products," WT/DS135/AB/R,
March 12, 2001.
25. See William Butler, Rhoda H. Karpatkin, Daniel Magraw, Durwood Zaelke,
"Separate Comments of TEPAC Members on the U.S.-Central American
Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), March 18, 2004, available at .
26. Philip Morris v. Reilly, 312 F.3d 24 (1st Cir. 2002).
BACK
TO MAIN | ONLINE
BOOKSTORE | HOW TO ORDER
|